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Dr. Hossam Badrawi Writes: Egypt and the UN Security Council Resolution on Gaza — Between the Burden of Leadership and the Opportunity to Reshape the Region

The recent UN Security Council resolution on Gaza was not just a routine international step—it was a critical turning point that is reshaping the balance of power in the region. It places Egypt once again before the test of its historic role—one it never abandoned, even if its shine dimmed at times.

The resolution, which opens the door for an international force to stabilize Gaza and begin a broad transitional phase, places heavy political, security, and economic pressure on Cairo.
Yet at the same time, it gives Egypt a rare opportunity to recalibrate the region in a way that aligns with Arab interests, and to renew its position as the central state most capable of holding the threads of the Palestinian file.

Since the outbreak of the latest war, the biggest question was:

Can the most dangerous scenario—forced displacement of Palestinians into Egyptian territory—be prevented?

Egypt was firm and unequivocal on this issue.
It did not compromise. And today, when the Security Council speaks of stabilizing Gaza inside the Strip and rebuilding it from within, the resolution implicitly acknowledges that:

Cairo succeeded in enforcing its red line: Gaza is for Palestinians, not a burden shifted onto Sinai.

In that sense, the UN resolution is not just a legal document—it is a political acknowledgment that Egypt’s stance was firm, persuasive, and indispensable.


An International Force… Burdens and Gains

According to what is being leaked from relevant capitals, Egypt is expected to be a major partner—or even the effective leader—of the stabilization force in Gaza.

This role has two faces:

The Burden:

  • A highly complex security environment inside a devastated territory

  • Armed factions that may view the international force as a threat to their political standing

  • High Palestinian expectations from Egypt that may be difficult to meet amid funding and logistical challenges

  • Sensitivities in Egyptian and Arab public opinion regarding anything that could be misunderstood as “guardianship” or “oversight”

The Gain:

  • Shaping the priorities of the international force to prevent Gaza from becoming a new zone of influence for Egypt’s regional rivals

  • Reinforcing Egypt as an indispensable regional leader in the Palestinian issue

  • Preventing the spread of chaos or arms smuggling into Sinai

  • Opening doors to major economic and political partnerships with Europe and the Gulf through reconstruction

Leadership is never free—it is costly.
But the absence of leadership is even more costly, because leaving the stage to other regional powers means replacing the Egyptian vision with arrangements that could threaten Egypt’s national security.


Rebuilding Gaza Requires a New Diplomacy

Cairo is preparing to host an international conference on Gaza reconstruction—an event of far more than symbolic value. It could become:

  • A platform to restore Arab collective leadership

  • An opportunity for Egypt to regain economic weight through managing major infrastructure, housing, and energy projects

Egypt, with its expertise and logistical capabilities, is the best-positioned partner to revive life in the Strip—if the file is handled with integrity and strategic foresight, not routine bureaucracy.

Politically, the dilemma is far from resolved.
The UN resolution references an interim phase before transferring authority to a “reformed” Palestinian Authority.

This term alone reveals how fragile the arrangement is:

  • A Palestinian Authority in urgent need of deep reform

  • Gaza with no functioning governing structure

  • A temporary international force

  • A dominant American role shaping the scene

This is where Egypt becomes central. Cairo is the only actor capable of ensuring the transitional arrangement:

does not become an endless “crisis management” phase with no political horizon.

Egypt alone—given its experience, weight, and connections—can link the security arrangement to a political path that actually leads to a Palestinian state, not merely a long-term truce or expanded autonomy.


What Should Egypt Do?

In my view, Egypt must adopt three clear principles in the coming phase:

1. Leadership that is conditional, not open-ended

Egypt should accept a leadership role, but with conditions:

  • A clearly limited mandate for the international force

  • A timeline for restoring the Palestinian Authority—not an indefinite transitional administration

  • Ensuring geographic and political unity of Palestinian territories, with real connection between Gaza and the West Bank

The current imposed reality speaks of dividing Gaza itself into “north and south,”
and one can sense Israel’s intention to maintain occupation.

Israel and the US are exploiting:

  • The fragmentation of Palestinian leadership

  • Divisions among Palestinian factions

  • The lack of a unified Arab stance

Egypt’s acceptance of the US-backed resolution under the umbrella of the UN Security Council arises from recognizing that rejecting it would worsen the situation, prolong the genocide, and increase Palestinian suffering.

2. Separate the Security Track from the Political Track

Egypt must not appear as if it is enforcing a regional or international agenda that focuses solely on disarmament.

The security role must be balanced with a clear commitment:

The final outcome must be a fully sovereign Palestinian state — even if we don’t openly clash with Trump at the current moment.

3. Turn Responsibilities into Real Gains

Egypt’s role in Gaza must translate into:

  • Direct economic support

  • Debt relief

  • Major reconstruction contracts for Egyptian companies

  • A real negotiating position with major capitals

Egypt is standing before a historic opportunity and an alarming challenge at the same time.

This is a moment when the Middle East is being reshaped, and despite its flaws, the Security Council resolution gives Egypt a rare chance to assert its vision:

  • No displacement

  • No guardianship

  • No state without political horizon

If Cairo manages the phase wisely, it could reshape the entire equation:

  • Gaza regains life

  • Palestine regains a political path

  • Egypt regains its regional position

The equation isn’t easy—but it is possible.

Great nations aren’t measured only by military strength,
but by their ability to protect their neighbors, shape the future,
and preserve the balance of their region.

And Egypt, historically, has always been one of those nations.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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