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Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: The True Power of Nations

Not all the concepts we use daily are as clear as we think. In fact, the most dangerous ones are often the most common. Among these concepts stands “power” in an ambiguous position. We repeat it with confidence and attribute it to states, institutions, and individuals, yet we rarely pause to ask: what do we truly mean when we say that an entity is “powerful”? Is power what we possess? Is it military strength? Or what we can do with what we have? Or is it something deeper… something related to how we are structured?

In this article, I do not attempt to define power from a traditional angle, nor approach it as a tool of conflict or means of domination. Rather, I try to rethink it from its roots: to see power as a property of a system, as a result of internal balance, as a state of harmony between multiple elements—if one is disrupted, the entire power collapses.

This perspective, though seemingly theoretical, reveals highly practical dimensions when applied to the real world.

States that appear powerful are not always so. Systems that seem stable may be eroding. Entities that look solid may rest on fragile, unseen balances.

Thus, the question becomes more pressing: is power an objective reality… or a mental construct we create and believe in? And can an entity survive long while holding an image of itself that differs from its actual condition?

When we approach these questions, the goal is not to judge or justify, but to understand: how power is formed, how it erodes, and when it quietly turns into illusion.

This article is not just about war or politics, but something deeper: the relationship between awareness, system, and power—the critical moment when any system loses awareness of itself.

When we look at wars throughout history, we are often deceived by the most visible image: a soldier on the battlefield, tanks advancing, aircraft flying, or a city falling. That moment appears to summarize everything, where victory or defeat is declared.

But has that moment ever been the full truth?

In his book “How the War Was Won”, military historian Phillips Payson O’Brien presents a different argument: victory is not made on the battlefield alone, but in an unseen depth—economics, industry, supply chains, and control of air and sea. There, in this depth, wars are decided before they begin—or their outcomes determined even if fighting continues.

Yet this argument can be read more deeply, beyond military strategy, toward a broader concept: power as a property of a system, not merely a tool of action.

Power is not in the tank, but in the system that produced it.
Not in the aircraft, but in the mind that designed it, the energy that powers it, and the network that guides it.

We are not speaking of tools, but of a living system where multiple elements integrate to produce what we ultimately perceive as “power.”

Here lies the fundamental shift: from understanding power as “action” to understanding it as “structure.”

Action may be momentary, but structure gives it continuity, the ability to repeat, adapt, and regenerate. Without this structure, any victory becomes fleeting.

What is called “deep power”—the ability to disable an enemy by targeting its economy and infrastructure—can be understood as an attempt to dismantle the system that generates the enemy’s strength.

Modern warfare no longer primarily targets armies, but:

  • the energy that fuels them
  • the industry that arms them
  • the information that directs them
  • and the society that sustains them

In other words, the goal is no longer to defeat the opponent, but to strip them of the capacity to be an opponent at all.

Here we reach a deeper idea: power is not defeated by opposing power, but by the collapse of the system that carries it.

A system that loses internal cohesion, balance, or the connections between its components does not need a military defeat to fall—it simply disintegrates from within. This explains why states with vast arsenals can collapse, while others endure with fewer resources but greater cohesion.

At its core, power is not violence… it is balance.

It is a state of harmony between multiple elements:

  • a functioning economy
  • accumulating knowledge
  • integrated institutions
  • a society that trusts itself

In the absence of this balance, power becomes merely an appearance—seemingly solid from the outside, yet fragile within.

Thus, wars in our time are no longer just conflicts between armies, but conflicts between systems:

  • a system capable of maintaining cohesion
  • and a system losing its ability to connect its parts

Victory, then, does not belong to the one with the strongest weapons, but to the one with the most sustainable system.

And perhaps here lies the most sensitive point: not all power is real, and the absence of defeat does not necessarily mean the presence of victory.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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