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Dr. Hossam Badrawi Writes for Al-Ahram: The political message behind the Damietta Port incident

The attack that targeted the American vessel at Damietta port was never, from the outset, a mere passing security incident, nor should it be read as an isolated event to be measured by casualty figures or the scale of material loss.

In the world of politics, events are not measured only by the physical destruction they cause, but by the messages they carry, and by the shifts they force in the calculations of states.

The question that has preoccupied many is: who did this? But it is not the only question, and perhaps not the most important one. Before identifying the perpetrator, it is worth understanding why this particular target was chosen, why the attack occurred at this particular moment, and who stands to benefit.

For decades we grew accustomed to wars being tied to military fronts, air bases, and naval fleets. Today, the nature of conflict has changed. Ports, shipping lanes, energy facilities, and undersea communications cables have become targets no less significant than military bases. The world no longer lives solely by the balance of power, but by the balance of economy, energy, and supply chains.

From this standpoint, Damietta port was not targeted, in my view, because it is an Egyptian port, but because it represents a point of connection between trade, energy, and the Mediterranean. And if the targeted vessel was American, then the message appears directed more at what it represents than at the place where it docks.

This distinction matters a great deal.

The goal, as I see it, was not to draw Egypt into the war, but to draw the Mediterranean into the equations of war.

It is a message declaring that the conflict is no longer confined to the Gulf or the Red Sea, and that the world’s energy corridors as a whole can become part of the theatre of operations. It is an attempt to expand the space of anxiety more than to expand the space of fire.

From here, the true beneficiary is not necessarily whoever carried out the operation, but whoever succeeds in changing the world’s understanding of what security means.

If shipping companies, insurance markets, and energy investors come to believe that the eastern Mediterranean is no longer a safe zone, then the political objective of the attack will have been achieved even if the material damage was limited.

For this reason, Egypt’s response deserves reflection and appreciation.

The state was not drawn into hasty accusations, nor did it react with emotion; instead, it focused on three things: investigation, securing the facilities, and the continued operation of the port. This is a message no less important than the attack itself, because the gravest danger in such episodes is that fear itself becomes an economic reality.

As for the United States, it is natural that it would view the incident as part of the equation of mutual deterrence in the region, while other parties will seek to exploit the ambiguity surrounding the operation — because in modern warfare, ambiguity has become as much a political tool as an intelligence one.

The world has already entered a new era of conflict, one in which drones no longer target armies alone, but target trust itself. And trust is the backbone of the global economy. If confidence in the security of ports, or in the stability of trade routes, is shaken, the effects ripple outward into energy prices, insurance costs, and investment flows — even if the damage on the ground amounts to no more than a few hours of disruption.

Herein lies the deeper lesson.

Protecting a nation’s security can no longer be confined to protecting its borders; it now extends to protecting the nation’s image as a stable and safe space for investment and trade. In this light, the fact that Damietta port continued operating, and that shipping traffic was not interrupted, was not merely a security success — it was a political and economic success as well, because it defeated a significant part of the message the attackers sought to deliver.

We live in a time when messages have become more dangerous than bullets, and when the impact of a drone is sometimes measured less by the physical damage it inflicts than by the doubt it plants in the markets. The real challenge facing states today, then, is no longer only to shoot down aircraft, but to prevent adversaries from shooting down trust.

*”In politics, the deadliest weapon is not the one that strikes its target, but the one that changes how the world thinks about the meaning of security.”*

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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