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Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: When Politics Enters the Laboratory of Great Minds… Who Gets to Decide What Science Says?

On August 10, 2026, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order that caused widespread controversy in American medical and scientific circles. The order reshapes federal policy on childhood vaccination, reducing the list of diseases against which the government recommends vaccinating all children to eleven. It also calls for a review of the timing of certain doses and how they are administered, and even proposes separating the famous MMR vaccine into individual vaccines for measles, mumps, and rubella.

The administration justified the decision by saying it wants what it calls “Gold Standard Childhood Vaccine Recommendations” and seeks to move closer to vaccination programs in certain developed countries.

At first glance, this appears to be a specialized medical question: How many vaccines does a child need? When should they be given? Is it better to administer three vaccines together or separately?

But as a physician, before being someone interested in public affairs, I found myself facing a much larger question:

When does a scientific decision become a political decision? And who should have the final word when human health intersects with the power of the state, economics, corporate interests, and public opinion?

That is where the real issue begins.

Is It Legitimate to Reconsider Vaccines?

Of course.

Science is not a new religion, scientists are not priests, and no medical recommendation should be immune from scrutiny.

In fact, the essence of the scientific method is doubt.

Every drug can be reevaluated. Every vaccine can be reexamined for its necessity, timing, and side effects. Every medical protocol can be modified when new knowledge emerges.

So the question, “Does a child really need all these vaccinations?”, is not an anti-science question.

Nor are questions about administering several vaccines during the same visit, the intervals between doses, or differences between vaccination schedules in the United States and Europe illegitimate questions.

But there is a fundamental difference between a scientist questioning something in order to investigate it and a politician questioning something in order to decide it.

The former begins with a question and then searches for evidence.

The latter may sometimes begin with the outcome he wants and then search for evidence that supports it.

And that is where things become dangerous.

Who Sets the Vaccination Schedule?

A vaccination schedule is not a list created by a pharmaceutical company and then sold to a government.

It is, fundamentally, the result of a lengthy process involving immunology, epidemiology, pediatrics, statistics, public health, and health economics.

We consider the prevalence of a disease, the likelihood of infection, the severity of complications, vaccine effectiveness, side effects, duration of protection, the cost of disease to society, and then weigh benefits against risks.

That is why the American Academy of Pediatrics objected to Trump’s decision, arguing that the changes were not supported by new scientific evidence sufficient to justify such a major shift.

The World Health Organization has likewise defended the principle that vaccination schedules should be based on evidence and the epidemiological circumstances of each country, rather than simply comparing the number of vaccines used from one country to another.

Here, however, I see the issue somewhat differently:

The problem is not that Trump asked the question, but the way in which the question was transformed into a political decision.

Then Comes the Money

But there is another question in the background that cannot be ignored:

Where do the economic interests fit into all of this?

The vaccine industry is not a charitable enterprise. It is a huge global market worth tens of billions of dollars annually, with North America accounting for a significant share of it.

The U.S. government itself is a major purchaser of childhood vaccines through the Vaccines for Children (VFC) program, which provides vaccines to children whose families may not be able to afford them.

So there are companies manufacturing and selling vaccines, a government purchasing them, doctors and hospitals administering them, insurance companies paying for them, and government agencies deciding what enters the vaccination schedule.

It would be naïve to claim that money has no place in this system.

But it would be equally naïve to leap from the existence of money to the conclusion that scientific recommendations were created solely to enrich pharmaceutical companies.

The economics also work in the opposite direction.

Diseases cost society enormous amounts of money.

A CDC-published study estimated that routine vaccination of children born in the United States between 1994 and 2023 would, over their lifetimes, prevent approximately 508 million cases of illness, 32 million hospitalizations, and more than one million deaths, while saving an estimated $540 billion in direct costs and $2.7 trillion in societal costs.

And here the equation becomes more complicated.

The pharmaceutical company profits from the vaccine, yes.

But the hospital may profit from illness.

Insurance companies want to reduce spending.

The government wants to reduce the cost of disease.

Pharmaceutical companies want a larger market.

Citizens want protection with the lowest possible risk.

And the politician, above all, wants the approval of voters.

So which “economic interest” are we talking about?

There is no single hand moving everyone. There is a network of overlapping and competing interests.

And Here Lies the Danger of Conspiracy Theory

It is easy to say:

“Big Pharma wants to vaccinate our children so it can make money.”

The statement is appealing because it is simple.

But reality is usually more complicated.

Yes, we should demand transparency about the funding of studies, researchers’ relationships with pharmaceutical companies, conflicts of interest within advisory committees, vaccine prices, profit margins, and patents.

These are not conspiracy theories. They are basic requirements of scientific integrity.

But the existence of a potential conflict of interest does not automatically invalidate a study, just as the absence of a financial interest does not make a political opinion scientifically correct.

Evidence should be challenged with evidence, not with assumptions about motives.

Trump Is Not the Only Problem

It would be a mistake to reduce the entire issue to Donald Trump’s personality.

Political interference in science is not an American invention, nor is it exclusive to the political right or left.

Throughout history, political authorities have sometimes attempted to bend knowledge to serve ideology.

At other times, scientific institutions themselves have made mistakes, been slow to acknowledge them, and sometimes been influenced by funding, interests, and academic power.

And here the paradox emerges:

We need science to be independent of politics, but we also need society to hold scientific institutions accountable.

Who funds the research?

Who selects committee members?

Who determines research priorities?

Who owns the patents?

Who decides the price of a drug?

Who monitors conflicts of interest?

These are entirely legitimate political and economic questions.

But the answer is not to have politicians sit in the scientist’s chair.

Who Owns the Truth?

Perhaps the real crisis of our age goes deeper than vaccines.

It is a crisis of trust.

One segment of society no longer trusts the government.

Another does not trust pharmaceutical companies.

Others do not trust the media.

And now skepticism is beginning to extend to universities, medical institutions, and scientific journals themselves.

When trust in the institutions that produce knowledge collapses, opinion becomes equal to research, impression becomes equal to statistics, and the number of followers on social media becomes equivalent to years of study.

And that puts society at risk.

Not because scientists never make mistakes.

But because we lose the method that allows us to discover mistakes and correct them.

Between the Authority of Science and the Authority of Democracy

Yet there is a philosophical question I cannot ignore:

If scientists say that something is best for public health, does the state have the right to impose it on individuals?

Science can tell us that a vaccine reduces the probability of disease by a certain amount and that its risks fall within certain limits.

But science alone cannot answer the question:

To what extent may the state impose a small risk on an individual in exchange for a greater benefit to society as a whole?

That is an ethical and political question.

And this is where science and democracy must meet, rather than one swallowing the other.

The scientist provides the best available knowledge.

The politician weighs rights against the public interest.

The judiciary protects constitutional boundaries.

The media asks questions.

And citizens have the right to know.

But the boundaries must not become blurred.

The politician must not become an immunologist.

The pharmaceutical company must not become a legislator.

The physician must not become a salesperson.

And the citizen does not become an epidemiologist simply because they watched a video on their phone.

What Did Trump’s Decision Teach Me?

Perhaps the most important question is not whether Trump’s new schedule is better or worse.

Time, research, and epidemiological outcomes will allow us to judge that.

The question that concerns me more is:

How do we ensure that decisions concerning the human body arise from knowledge rather than ideology, from evidence rather than money, and from research rather than populism?

At the same time:

How do we ensure that economic interests do not hide behind the white coat and the banner of “science”?

I do not want science governed by politics.

Nor do I want politics to surrender, without asking questions, to whatever pharmaceutical companies and scientific institutions say.

I want science that is independent and transparent, willing to accept questioning and review, discloses conflicts of interest, publishes its data, and acknowledges its mistakes.

And I want politicians who respect the limits of their knowledge.

Politics has every right to ask scientists a thousand questions.

But it should not choose the answer before asking them.

Perhaps the greatest lesson from Trump’s vaccine controversy is not really about vaccines at all.

It is about how knowledge will be governed in the twenty-first century.

When politics enters the scientists’ laboratory, and when money enters both, the answer is not to drive out politics, money, or even doubt.

The challenge is something harder:

To build institutions that make truth stronger than everyone’s interests.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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