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Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Security for Whom—and in What Sense?

Whenever one of us wants to emphasize the importance of an issue, we say that it “affects national security.” We say it about water, food, education, healthcare, the economy, and culture—and there may be a great deal of truth in that. Yet I sometimes pause at the expression and ask: Do the speaker and the listener understand the same thing by it? Or has it, in some contexts, come to mean simply: “Do not go there”?

Let us begin with the first word: security. It is the assurance that the foundations on which our lives depend will not be exposed to grave danger without our having the ability to prevent it or recover from it. The danger may be an attack on our borders, the collapse of a vital resource, or a weakness that leaves people and institutions unable to confront a crisis. Security, in this sense, is not merely the absence of fear; it is the capacity to protect life and ensure its continuity.

Then comes the more difficult word: national. A nation is a community that sees itself as bound by shared ties, identity, and destiny. But who are “the nation” when we speak of “Egyptian national security”? Do we mean the citizens of the Egyptian state, the broader Arab nation, or is the term simply being used without a precise definition?

I understand the reason for this ambiguity. For generations of us, the word “nationalism” has been closely associated with Arab nationalism and with Gamal Abdel Nasser. Yet the idea preceded him, even if he became one of its most prominent political and popular advocates. That history still resonates whenever we hear the word “national.” So I do not want to treat the term as though its meaning were self-evident.

If we are talking about Egypt, “national security” in the sense of the security of the state and its citizens may be more precise in some contexts. Yet “national security” has long been used to refer to the security and fundamental interests of the state, and the expression has become familiar. My concern is not with choosing one term over the other, but with the way we move between their meanings without noticing: we begin by talking about the security of citizens, and then turn disagreement with a government decision into something resembling a threat to the entire nation.

Social security, in its broader sense, refers to the health of relationships within society: trust among people, civil peace, and the ability of people with different views to live together. It is an important component of a country’s security, but it does not by itself encompass questions of borders, political independence, or the resources on which everyone depends. There is also human security: the individual’s ability to find what protects life and dignity from fear and deprivation. The United Nations Development Programme gave this concept a clear place in its discussion of human security. (hdr.undp.org)

These meanings are interconnected, but they are not interchangeable. We may protect the state’s borders while citizens remain anxious about their livelihoods. We may focus on silencing a dispute within society while the real source of danger is the absence of trust that has made the dispute more acute. Defining what exactly we seek to protect helps us choose the appropriate means.

I do not dismiss national security. It is the state’s responsibility to protect its people, its borders, its institutions, and its ability to make decisions independently. There is also information whose disclosure can cause real harm. But acknowledging this does not make the phrase an adequate answer to every question. When we are told that something is a matter of “national security,” we have the right to ask: What is the specific threat? Who is exposed to it? And how does the proposed decision address it?

Not every detail may be suitable for public disclosure, but in many cases the general rationale and the consequences can still be explained and debated. A citizen does not need to know a military plan in order to ask about spending priorities, nor does one need access to classified information to discuss a policy that affects one’s life.

I worry that the phrase will lose its force the more broadly we use it to shut down discussion. Important issues deserve a clear argument, not a word that relieves its speaker of the responsibility to provide one. And if the security of the people is part of what we are trying to protect, then their ability to ask questions, raise warnings, and demand review may itself be one of the sources of security.

Perhaps, whenever we hear the words “national security,” we should pause for a moment and calmly ask: Security for whom? Against what threat? And at what cost? Only then can the phrase regain its meaning, allowing us to disagree over policies without turning disagreement itself into an accusation.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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