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Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi‘: Fear and Silent Accumulation

Politics, at its core, is the management of possibilities—not of fears. Yet when societies pass through moments of severe turmoil, their priorities shift, and the sense of security becomes the central issue that reshapes the entire public sphere.

What our region has witnessed over the past decade was not merely a struggle for power, but a profound transformation in collective consciousness: from fear of the ruler to fear of chaos, and from aspiring to freedom to clinging to stability.

Amid confused and costly experiences, large segments of society redefined the meaning of legitimacy. Fear rose to the forefront as a primary determinant of governance. Over time, fear ceased to be merely a reaction to an exceptional moment and began infiltrating the very structure of political decision-making, almost becoming a permanent logic for running the state.

Yet turning fear into the foundation of legitimacy raises a crucial strategic question:
Can a state governed with an emergency mindset build a sustainable future?
Does concentrating power in a single hand provide real stability—or merely postpone latent tension awaiting its moment?

Professor Imad Daimi — a former member of Tunisia’s National Constituent Assembly that drafted the 2014 constitution and a figure close to the civil democratic current — once wrote a phrase worthy of reflection:

“Fear is the greatest enemy of politics.”

This is not a passing rhetorical statement, but an accurate description of an entire phase the Arab region has lived through since the Arab Spring.

In an unprecedented popular surge, it seemed that people had broken the barrier of fear. They demanded dignity, justice, and freedom. Regimes fell, others trembled, and the horizon opened to new possibilities. But what followed resembled a deep political earthquake.

The chaos that followed some experiences, societal divisions, and the collapse of state institutions in certain cases reproduced fear—but in a different form.

It was no longer fear of authority alone.
It became fear of its absence.
Fear of chaos, economic collapse, civil war, and the unknown alternative.

Thus, fear entered the public sphere not as a fleeting psychological state, but as a governing logic. When fear prevails, politics contracts; it shifts from a project of construction to a mechanism of defense. States are managed with an emergency mentality rather than a planning mentality. Decisions become reactions to contain the moment, not policies to shape the future. Stability becomes an absolute value—even if it is fragile.

In a climate of mutual anxiety, the state does not trust its society, and society does not trust its state. Reform freezes. Peaceful transfer of power shifts from being a constitutional right to an existential risk. Here lies the great paradox: the fear invoked to protect the state gradually exhausts it.

Political history tells us that absolute authority born from chaos often justifies itself through the function of protection:
“We are the barrier against collapse.”
“We are the guarantor of stability.”

In moments of danger, societies accept shrinking freedoms in exchange for security. But this equation is inherently unsustainable. Power that expands under the pretext of necessity, if not restrained by constitution and institutions, tends to persist. What was meant to be temporary becomes permanent.

From Europe to Latin America, from Asia to our region, history shows that the absence of mechanisms for peaceful transfer of power accumulates tension beneath the surface of stability—until it erupts in revolution, coup, or sudden collapse.

Perhaps the first wave of revolutions broke the barrier of fear of the ruler. But the following phase revealed a deeper fear: fear of the unknown. Societies fell into a harsh equation: chaos threatening the state’s survival, or absolute authority freezing its future.

The true dilemma is that this equation cannot endure. Fear is a legitimate human emotion. But when it becomes the basis of political legitimacy, it becomes a historical burden.

The greatest danger today may not be explosion—but silent accumulation:

A generation living under persistent economic anxiety.
Elites operating within narrow margins in a public sphere suspended between loyalty and apprehension.
A state moving with a constant defensive mindset.

In such a climate, no real future is formed—only crises are managed. States do not fall only by revolutions, but when they lose the ability to evolve.

The intelligent and patriotic path out of this impasse lies neither in reviving chaos nor in entrenching despotism—but in building a genuine constitutional state:

A democracy not reduced to procedural elections, but grounded in real separation of powers, independent judiciary, free and responsible media, and clear institutional mechanisms for transfer of power.

The essence of democracy is not that one side wins, but that society can change its ruler without bloodshed and without shaking the state itself.

Stability is not created by repression. Freedom is not protected by chaos. Between them lies a difficult but sustainable path: rule of law, respected constitution, restrained authority, and a society unafraid of change.

States are not governed by fear, nor built through reaction. They are preserved when harsh lessons transform into reform courage, anxiety into vision, and power into historical responsibility—not a refuge from the unknown.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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