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Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi‘: Trust and Credibility in International Relations

In international relations, a state may possess the greatest military and economic power, yet what gives it lasting influence is not power alone, but credibility.

States may fear power, but they do not build stable partnerships without trust in commitments.

In recent decades, the image of the United States in this regard has faced visible erosion.

Washington has withdrawn from international agreements, reinterpreted them, or bypassed them when its political or strategic calculations changed.

In modern international politics, treaties are not always treated as permanent obligations, but sometimes as temporary tools subject to revision when interests shift.

After World War II, the United States appeared as one of the architects of an international system based on institutions and agreements.

However, later decades witnessed a series of events that led many countries to reconsider that image.

The U.S. withdrew from the Paris Climate Agreement and later rejoined after a change of administration.

It withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal, despite the agreement being multilateral and endorsed by the UN Security Council.

It also left the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, one of the pillars of nuclear stability since the Cold War.

Trade agreements were also reconsidered or renegotiated, including agreements with Canada and Mexico that had once been presented as diplomatic achievements.

These actions are not seen merely as isolated political decisions, but as part of a broader pattern in which treaties in American policy sometimes shift from long-term commitments to flexible instruments subject to change with each administration.

Such behavior does not pass without consequence.

Trust in international relations is like invisible capital —
it takes years to build, but can erode quickly when commitments are repeatedly broken.

In political philosophy, credibility is considered one of the foundations of international stability.

Realist thinkers such as Hans Morgenthau and Henry Kissinger argued that the international system rests not only on the balance of power, but also on the balance of trust.

If agreements lose their meaning, negotiation becomes merely a temporary stop in a continuing struggle for power.

This is why some countries have become more cautious in negotiations with the United States.

Negotiation assumes good faith and a desire for stable compromise.

But historical experience has led some actors to fear that negotiations may sometimes serve as a way to gain time while realities on the ground are being reshaped.

In the logic of realpolitik, the weaker side may face a dilemma:

Should it rely on negotiation,
or fear that negotiation itself may become a cover for stronger measures later?

Yet abandoning negotiation entirely is not a solution either, because the alternative may be escalation or open confrontation.

What is changing today is that states increasingly believe that negotiating with a superpower whose credibility has been questioned requires stronger guarantees and broader international frameworks.

Power alone can impose an agreement.
But it cannot impose trust.

And the question facing the international system today is:

Can the United States rebuild its moral and political credibility,
or has the era of unconditional trust in its commitments already come to an end?

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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