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Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: No Kings in Democracy — American Youth Redefine Power

Throughout my adult life, I have upheld human values, the philosophy of democracy, the rule of institutions, the importance of their separation of powers, citizens’ rights, and freedom of expression as the pillars of the ideal state. I took the United States as a model.
Therefore, I felt personally betrayed when the U.S. abandoned all that it used to preach — values I had believed in for years — revealing its double standards and an ugly extremism against those who are different or immigrants, and enacting laws that protect the “sons of Sam” above all others.

I used to tell my friends that, despite the betrayals of successive governments — Democrat or Republican — I still had hope that the American people would one day correct the betrayal of their leaders to the principles we believed in.

A glimmer of hope returned to me when, in recent months, the United States witnessed massive demonstrations under the slogan “No Kings,” in which millions of young people across various states participated (statistics say more than seven million across over ten states).
Although the event seemed political on the surface — directed against President Donald Trump — its essence went far deeper than rejecting a person or a party.

This new American generation took to the streets to declare clearly: democracy is not an electoral ritual, nor a stage on which politicians merely swap roles. It is a living spirit — renewed, self-critical, and rebellious when it senses danger.

Perhaps the banner raised by one student in New York best expressed the movement’s core:

“We don’t hate the president; we hate the idea of a king.”

The “No Kings” movement transcends a mere political stance to become a new social philosophy in American thought. It represents a rebellion against the notion of the “savior leader” — the dominant, all-controlling figure — that has long inhabited the collective consciousness, where hope is pinned on one person instead of a system of awareness and institutions capable of self-correction.

American youth now reject the deification of power and the transformation of politics into a symbolic form of worship. They defend the true meaning of the state — as a living social contract, not a golden cage that imprisons the citizen in the name of patriotism.

Their slogan, “No Kings,” is a reminder of the very origins of the American Revolution, which was born in revolt against absolute monarchy and declared the dawn of individual freedom.
But the irony, as the new generation sees it, is that their country — once the enemy of kings — has begun creating new kinds of monarchs: kings of media, money, technology, and populist politics.

At the heart of this movement stands a generation that feels its future is being slowly stolen.
A generation raised amid climate crises, crushing debts, and a divided society, witnessing how democracy sometimes turns into a theater of double standards — a space for anger and revenge rather than wisdom and balance.

They see political leaders weakening institutions to expand personal power, and even educational institutions — once the backbone of American civilization and excellence — have not been spared.

But this anger is not destructive; it is what philosophers call creative anger — a force that seeks to correct, not demolish.
It is a collective exercise in awareness, and a declaration that freedom is not inherited but practiced — and defended — every single day.

What is happening in the United States is not merely an American affair; it mirrors a global crisis of leadership.
Humanity now faces a pressing question: Who governs whom?
Is the ruler meant to lead the people’s consciousness, or must the people themselves guard their awareness against the corruption of power?

The answer offered by American youth — expressed in their own language — is that sovereignty belongs to consciousness, not to individuals.

Just as systems fall ill when they lack criticism, nations too grow sick when they surrender their minds to those who claim to speak on their behalf — whether kings, leaders, or saviors.


The Movement’s Global Impact

Historians will one day record that No Kings was not merely a protest but a moment of renewed awareness.
It stirred the stagnant waters of American democracy, redefined the relationship between citizen and power, and sparked an intellectual wave that reached Europe, Latin America, and even the Middle East — all asking the same question:

Do we truly seek freedom, or merely another father figure to whom we hand its keys?

The No Kings movement reminds us in the Arab world that democracy is not an institutional import from the West, but a state of consciousness — an ethical responsibility that a society exercises toward itself.

When young Americans reject the idea of a “king,” they are not rebelling against a person or a title, but against a deeply rooted human tendency — the desire for submission and the fear of freedom — which rulers everywhere exploit.


Toward a New Global Awareness

What is happening today in the streets of Washington, New York, Boston, Chicago, and California is but a new chapter in humanity’s eternal story — the pursuit of dignity.

Most strikingly, those who raise the banner “No Kings” are not speaking only of presidents; they mean anyone who believes themselves above accountability — in politics, finance, religion, or the media.

It is a revolution against sanctification, submission, and against anything that extinguishes the flame of questioning within the human soul.

And if this American generation has chosen to say “No Kings,” perhaps it is time for all societies — East and West alike — to reconsider the kinds of kings they create within their collective consciousness, and how they allow them to rule.

“Freedom is not a gift from a ruler’s generosity, but a trust guarded by an awakened nation.”

Who governs whom?
That is the question.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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