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Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Respecting the Rights of Coptic Children: A Philosophical and Constitutional Reading of Justice and Citizenship

Some mothers—patients of mine and members of civil society organizations I support—contacted me, deeply upset about the date of a sports championship their children love. The federation of the sport (as I was told) scheduled it at the exact day and hour of their family celebration of the religious holiday, which would deprive their children of participation and competition.

I researched the matter and confirmed it. I decided to write, because the issue is not merely the timing of a sports championship, nor is it about gymnastics or a crowded competition calendar. The issue is far deeper than that. It touches the very core of the idea of the civil state and how the public sphere is managed in a religiously and culturally diverse society.

Scheduling the National Trampoline Gymnastics Championship (2025/2026 season – under-10 category) on the evening of Christmas Eve, January 6, during the time of religious observance, raises a legitimate question—not about intention, but about impact.

Time is not always neutral. In political philosophy, time is not viewed merely as numbers on a calendar, but as a carrier of meaning.

There is ordinary time, and there is symbolic time. When a public institution chooses a time that is sacred to a segment of citizens and fails to consider the impact of that choice on them, it—even unintentionally—produces a form of practical exclusion.

A Coptic Christian boy or girl at this age is not given a real choice: either participate in a national championship or adhere to a recognized religious and family ritual. Here, the concept of equal opportunity collapses.

The Egyptian Constitution did not merely declare general principles; it laid down clear foundations for equal citizenship:

Article (64): Freedom of belief is absolute, and the state guarantees the freedom to practice religious rituals. This protection is not limited to formal permission, but extends to refraining from public decisions that practically restrict this freedom.

Equality and the rejection of indirect discrimination

Article (53): Citizens are equal before the law, with no discrimination based on religion. Discrimination here does not require intent; it is measured by its real-world outcome.

And the outcome in this case is clear: the effective exclusion of Coptic Christian children from participation—not for technical or organizational reasons, but for a religious one.

Equal opportunity is not a slogan

Article (9): The state is committed to achieving equal opportunity for all citizens without discrimination. Equal opportunity does not mean opening the door to everyone at the same time, but removing obstacles that make entry possible for some and impossible for others.

Sport as a constitutional right

Article (84): Sport is a right for all, and the state is committed to caring for the talented. Sport, as an educational right, should be a space for inclusion, not exclusion—a field of justice, not a test of religious loyalty.

Rights are not diminished by regulation

Article (92): Rights and freedoms inherent to the person of the citizen may not be suspended or diminished.

No administrative regulation—however minor it may seem—may infringe upon these rights under the pretext of a “schedule” or “necessity.” This article is not an accusation, but a clear call to reconsider.

Respecting religious holidays is not a social courtesy; it is a practical application of the Constitution and the spirit of citizenship. Adjusting the date of a championship does not weaken an institution; it strengthens trust in it and affirms that the state is capable of correcting its decisions when they conflict—however unintentionally—with justice.

The sport we want for our children should teach them how to win—but before that, it should teach them justice.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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