2026 Collective Activities & ArticlesAll ArticlesAlmasry AlyoumBy Dr BadrawiTranslated Articles

Inclusion in Education: From a Humanitarian Slogan to a Deferred Civilizational Project By Hossam Badrawi

Education in the twenty-first century is no longer merely the transmission of knowledge; it has become a moral and civilizational act, measured by its ability to embrace the human being as they are, not as we wish them to be. From this perspective, inclusive education has emerged as an expression of evolving educational consciousness—marking the shift from a selective institution that excludes difference to a human space that recognizes diversity and transforms it into added value.

No civilization has ever been measured by the height of its buildings or the sophistication of its tools as much as by its ability to embrace its weakest members and to recognize difference as an essential component of human existence. Societies that fear diversity naturally tend toward exclusion, while those confident in themselves turn difference into a source of enrichment rather than threat.

From this viewpoint, education cannot be seen as a neutral system for transferring knowledge. At its core, it is a mirror of how society views the human being:
Do we see the human as a value in themselves, or as a project to be sorted and classified?
Do we accept people as they are, or only when they fit the model we have drawn in advance?

Here, inclusive education emerges not as an emotional humanitarian slogan, but as a true civilizational test of the maturity of social and educational consciousness. Inclusion is not merely an educational policy; it is an implicit declaration of the kind of society we want to build: one that accommodates everyone, or a system that selects the “fit” and excludes those who do not keep pace with its fast rhythm.


First: What Is Inclusion?

Inclusion, in its essence, is not an administrative procedure or a ministerial decree. It is an educational philosophy that sees differences among learners as natural, and holds that the school must adapt to these differences—not the other way around.

Every student, regardless of ability, disability, or learning difficulty, has the right to learn within a shared educational environment that respects their humanity and provides them with what they need to reach the fullest extent of their potential.

Inclusion does not mean superficial equality; it means educational justice: that each learner receives what suits them, not what is imposed upon them.


Second: The Human and Educational Dimension of Inclusion

True inclusion produces multiple gains:

For the included child:
It reinforces a sense of belonging, prevents stigma and isolation, and strengthens self-confidence.

For other students:
It nurtures empathy, breaks stereotypes, and teaches acceptance of difference as part of life.

For society:
It produces generations that are less aggressive and more prepared for coexistence and integration.

From this perspective, inclusion becomes a moral project as much as an educational one.


Third: Mistakes of Inclusion in the Arab Reality

Despite most Arab countries adopting inclusion in discourse, practical implementation reveals serious structural errors—most importantly, reducing inclusion to a superficial procedure.

In many cases, students are placed in regular classrooms without modifying curricula, training teachers, or providing appropriate assessment tools. Inclusion then becomes a psychological and educational burden on both child and teacher instead of a human right.

Absence of philosophy before decision:
Often, inclusion is applied in response to international pressure or human-rights reporting, not as the result of genuine intellectual transformation within the educational system. The decision precedes awareness; the slogan precedes preparation.

Without preparation, the teacher is burdened beyond capacity—expected to manage overcrowded classrooms, rigid curricula, and sharp individual differences without real training or professional support. This produces an unspoken rejection of inclusion—not out of cruelty, but out of exhaustion.

In some systems, inclusion is used as a pretext to eliminate specialized schools and services under the slogan of “full inclusion,” when in reality the goal is cost reduction rather than quality improvement.

Unprepared social culture:
Many families still view disability or learning difficulties as a stigma, and this attitude spills into schools. Inclusion then fails socially even if it succeeds administratively.


In Summary, Inclusion Fails When:

  • It is imposed without preparation

  • Applied without support

  • Measured by attendance rather than progress

  • Used as a political slogan rather than an educational project

In these cases, we do not only wrong the included child—we empty the very idea of inclusion of its meaning.

The inclusion we need is not an imported ready-made model, but a reconstruction of educational philosophy based on:

  • Respect for individual differences

  • Training teachers before holding them accountable

  • Flexible curricula and evaluation

  • Real partnership with families

  • Psychological and educational support teams within schools

Inclusion in education is not a question of whether we apply it or not, but how we understand it.

Do we see it as a burden, or as an opportunity to rediscover the meaning of education itself?

Education that does not make room for the weak will never produce the strong.
A school that does not embrace difference will never graduate free human beings.

Inclusion is not a technical battle or a race of decisions—it is a long journey of awareness that begins with a simple moral question:

Who is the human being we are educating?

If education shapes the future, then how we treat the weakest within it reveals what future we truly want.

Inclusion imposed without preparation and raised as a slogan without philosophy does not create justice—it creates a more complex form of injustice, cloaked in the language of rights while practiced in exhausted classrooms, with burned-out teachers and children forced to adapt instead of schools adapting for them.

True inclusion redefines education itself:
It sees difference as a pedagogical opportunity, not an administrative burden.
It trains teachers as partners, not mere executors.
It measures success by human growth before numerical results.

The question, then, is not: Do we apply inclusion?
But: Do we believe in it?

And do we have the courage to rebuild schools in the image of the human being—rather than reshape human beings to fit schools never designed for them?

A society that fails to include its different children is, without realizing it, postponing its entire civilizational project.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

Related Articles

Back to top button