{"id":12909,"date":"2025-10-20T19:07:54","date_gmt":"2025-10-20T17:07:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/%d8%a3%d8%b4%d8%b1%d9%81-%d8%b1%d8%a7%d8%b6%d9%8a-%d9%8a%d9%83%d8%aa%d8%a8-%d9%86%d9%82%d8%a7%d8%b4-%d8%ad%d9%88%d9%84-%d9%85%d8%b9%d9%86%d9%89-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%af%d9%8a%d9%85%d9%82%d8%b1%d8%a7%d8%b7\/"},"modified":"2025-10-22T19:47:33","modified_gmt":"2025-10-22T17:47:33","slug":"ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/","title":{"rendered":"Ashraf Radi Writes: A Discussion on the Meaning of Democracy in Light of Dr. Hossam Badrawi\u2019s Article"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

There is no doubt that Dr. Hossam Badrawi is among the most prominent Egyptian intellectuals who deeply believe in democracy, its values, and its importance \u2014 not only for Egypt\u2019s progress and its people, but for the advancement of humanity as a whole.
I am certain that his genuine commitment to this principle makes him open to any critical engagement with the ideas he presents in his various writings and theoretical contributions.<\/p>\n

It is precisely this trait in his character that encouraged me to engage with what he expressed in the introduction of his accompanying article, published on Al-Hurriya<\/em>\u2019s website on Monday, concerning his sense of having been \u201cpersonally betrayed\u201d by the United States \u2014 or, more accurately, by the current U.S. administration \u2014 for abandoning the democratic values it once upheld, including respect for citizens\u2019 rights and freedom of expression, to a degree that threatens its status as the ideal democratic state.<\/p>\n

Personally, I do not understand why any state at all should deserve such a description \u2014 at least from the perspective of modern democratic theorists, who have rightly observed that democracy in any country experiences continuous ebbs and flows.
From comparative studies of democratic systems, these scholars concluded that democracy everywhere faces constant challenges from its opponents and skeptics, to the extent that a leading American thinker like Daniel Bell<\/strong> preferred the \u201cChinese model\u201d<\/em> \u2014 non-democratic \u2014 to the Western liberal democratic model (including the American one), arguing that practices in Western societies do not necessarily ensure that the most competent people reach the highest positions.
By contrast, he said, the Chinese Communist Party\u2019s internal mechanisms of promotion achieve that meritocratic goal.<\/p>\n

This, in fact, revives the ancient debate between the Greek philosopher Socrates<\/strong>, who believed firmly in democracy despite its flaws, and his students Plato<\/strong> and Aristotle<\/strong> (and those who followed them), who were less convinced by it \u2014 especially Plato, who in The Republic<\/em> admired the Spartan system that triumphed over Athens.<\/p>\n

Socrates\u2019 trial and execution marked the beginning of a backlash against the idea of democracy in ancient Greece \u2014 a backlash that dominated Western and global thought for nearly two thousand years.
It took enormous societal effort to advance the democratic idea again, both in its direct form as practiced in ancient Greece, and in its constitutional and institutional applications through indirect<\/em> or representative<\/em> democracy, adopted by many modern states where direct democracy is impractical, particularly at the national level.<\/p>\n

The rise of liberalism<\/strong> played a crucial role in solidifying democratic theory and developing the mechanisms and safeguards that prevent its deviation or abuse.<\/p>\n

Although other democratic theories have emerged from different ideological or philosophical premises, most of their models and practices violate the core essence of democracy and turn them into forms of authoritarianism.
This reality compels us to define democracy precisely \u2014 what it truly means in practice \u2014 while also benefiting from existing theoretical literature on the subject.<\/p>\n

\n

On the Meaning and Concept of Democracy<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Dr. Badrawi\u2019s article invites an important public debate \u2014 at least among intellectual elites in Egypt and the Arab world \u2014 particularly given the crude examples we now see in public discourse concerning democracy and its value, in light of Western practices that contradict democratic principles and their universal values.
These include blatant double standards, the adoption of extremist and hateful policies against minorities and migrants, and the passing of laws based on racist concepts that favor U.S. and European citizens over the rest of humanity \u2014 a continuation of the colonial legacy and the \u201cwhite man\u2019s superiority doctrine.\u201d<\/p>\n

Such practices are increasingly adopted by conservative forces in American society \u2014 represented by the Republican Party<\/strong> and the conservative wing dominating the Democratic Party<\/strong>, despite its generally liberal orientation.<\/p>\n

In the ongoing global discussion on the importance and viability of democracy \u2014 whether in the U.S., other Western societies, or our own \u2014 it is essential to identify who democracy\u2019s enemies are, and who its allies are<\/strong>.
We must also note that some ideological positions inherently reject democracy, especially liberal democracy.<\/p>\n

Personally, I am not convinced by what was once promoted in the U.S. and globally \u2014 the concept of \u201cilliberal democracy\u201d<\/em> popularized by Indian-American scholar Fareed Zakaria<\/strong>.
Democracy, in my view, is necessarily rooted in liberal philosophy \u2014 which protects it from the \u201ctyranny of the majority,\u201d a notion articulated by English philosopher John Locke<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Any claim that democracy can exist without a liberal foundation ultimately leads to violations of its fundamental principles.<\/p>\n

Yet democracy is not a purely theoretical matter.
Its endurance does not depend on how faithfully a given system adheres to democratic ideals, but rather on the deep conviction<\/strong> of broad segments of society that any coup against democracy threatens their direct interests \u2014 and on their ability<\/strong> to resist such attempts through available mechanisms and tools.<\/p>\n

This happened during the George W. Bush<\/strong> administration, when Attorney General John Ashcroft (2001\u20132005)<\/strong> sought to exploit the September 11 attacks to push through laws restricting citizens\u2019 freedoms under the banner of the \u201cwar on terror.\u201d<\/p>\n

These laws \u2014 including the Patriot Act<\/strong> \u2014 faced growing opposition from wide segments of American society, notably from civil society organizations such as Freedom House<\/em>, Human Rights Watch<\/em>, and hundreds of smaller local organizations.
American civil society succeeded in curbing many of these attempts, forcing Bush to retreat on several policies during his second term.
Indeed, their mobilization played a decisive role in Barack Obama\u2019s victory<\/strong> in the 2008 election.<\/p>\n

Likewise, U.S. institutions \u2014 as guardians of democratic values \u2014 firmly confronted Donald Trump\u2019s<\/strong> attempts to undermine democracy during his chaotic first term, and they decisively resisted the attack on the Capitol by his supporters who sought to obstruct Congress\u2019s certification of the 2020 election results, which he lost.<\/p>\n

\n

The Danger Lies Within Democracy\u2019s Own Mechanisms<\/strong><\/h3>\n

There are inherent loopholes<\/strong> in democratic systems that democracy\u2019s opponents can exploit to stage coups from within.
But the existence of such loopholes should never justify abandoning democracy.
Instead, it should sharpen our vigilance \u2014 especially regarding the very flaws that adversaries of democracy attempt to use.<\/p>\n

These loopholes are precisely what enabled Trump\u2019s return to the White House in the 2024 election<\/strong>, and what now allow him to pursue institutional changes aimed at undermining democracy from within \u2014 taking advantage of the broad powers granted by the U.S. Constitution to the executive branch.
These powers were intended to ensure national stability during conflicts between Congress and the presidency, but the Constitution provided no sufficient safeguards against their abuse.
It is now clear that these powers could threaten the American political system itself if Trump successfully manipulates the electoral system \u2014 as happened in the 2000 election<\/strong>, which brought George W. Bush<\/strong> to power.<\/p>\n

Thus, relying solely on good intentions or the constitutional balance of powers is no longer enough.
The real safeguard lies once again in public awareness and mobilization<\/strong> \u2014 as seen in the massive protests across major U.S. cities in recent months, under the slogan \u201cNo Kings.\u201d<\/em>
An estimated seven million people participated across more than ten states.<\/p>\n

Dr. Badrawi rightly saw in this movement a glimmer of hope for the future of American democracy.
Yet the danger remains unless this popular awakening translates into institutional reform and legislative action<\/strong> to counter Trump\u2019s agenda \u2014 particularly since he, too, commands a vast loyal base ready to rally behind him.<\/p>\n

No doubt, the \u201cNo Kings\u201d protests draw upon the deep republican tradition<\/strong> that rejects monarchy \u2014 but those traditions alone cannot safeguard democracy.
After all, a republic is not necessarily democratic<\/strong>, just as many constitutional monarchies<\/strong> (like the Westminster model in Britain or the Nordic kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, and in Belgium and the Netherlands) have achieved exemplary democratic experiences.<\/p>\n

The core idea behind the American protest movement is a rejection of Trump\u2019s central premise \u2014 that American society is in crisis \u2014 a claim that echoes the rhetoric of right-wing and populist parties in Western Europe, and that once fueled Nazism in Germany<\/strong> and Fascism in Italy<\/strong> following the Great Depression of 1929.<\/p>\n

When institutions fail to solve pressing public problems, people lose faith in democracy<\/strong> and turn toward alternative systems they imagine to be more effective \u2014 even though history and experience consistently show that such \u201cstrong leader\u201d or \u201csavior\u201d models ultimately lead to crisis, stagnation, and often disaster.<\/p>\n

The deeper issue, however, is that the concept of democracy itself remains misunderstood<\/strong> \u2014 both among the general public and, likely, among elites.<\/p>\n

In our societies, democracy is often reduced to \u201cthe ballot box\u201d<\/strong> \u2014 a misconception born of separating democracy from its philosophical foundation, liberalism.<\/p>\n

Even in many Western democracies, including the U.S., practice has often narrowed democracy to elections alone, while eroding other vital components such as legislative and judicial oversight, and public accountability.
As a result, when one faction dominates all three branches of government, the separation of powers<\/strong> principle collapses.<\/p>\n

The recent U.S. protests may mark an awakening<\/strong> to this problem.
The young protesters have declared clearly that democracy is not a ritual or a political \u201cfestival.\u201d
The great challenge now is how to translate this awakening<\/strong> into institutional reform that strengthens American democracy, corrects its flaws, and preserves its social contract \u2014 ensuring that the state remains, as Dr. Badrawi put it, \u201ca living social contract, not a golden cage in which citizens are imprisoned in the name of patriotism.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

This concept is highly relevant to Egypt\u2019s current discourse on democracy, nationalism, and the threats facing the nation.<\/p>\n

\n

Key Points for Discussion on Democracy<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The core principle<\/strong> of any democratic system is popular sovereignty<\/em> \u2014 the idea that the people are independent and decide their own best interests through institutional mechanisms.
No democratic theorist claims that democracy is an absolute or perfect system; rather, it is the best available system<\/strong> for organizing public life.
This conclusion is not theoretical but derived from comparative and empirical studies of governance systems.
They acknowledge its flaws and gaps, but insist that democracy must be continuously improved without undermining its essential foundations.<\/p>\n

Before outlining these foundations as discussion points for our own democratic future, it is worth noting the Arab rulers\u2019 admiration for Trump<\/strong> \u2014 and his indulgence toward them.
No U.S. president has ever enjoyed such open support from Arab leaders who rule nations whose peoples have no voice, even over decisions that directly affect their daily lives.<\/p>\n

\n

1. Free, Fair, and Transparent Elections<\/strong><\/h4>\n

The first cornerstone of democracy is the free and transparent election<\/strong>, ensuring that the candidate or party with the most votes governs for a defined term and implements the program presented to the voters.
The elected government must remain subject to continuous oversight to prevent abuse of power or authoritarian practices targeting political or social minorities.<\/p>\n

Yet serious challenges persist \u2014 most notably the assumption of the \u201crational voter\u201d<\/strong>, which is undermined when voters are manipulated through religious or nationalist sentiment to vote against their own interests.
But this assumption becomes irrelevant once democracy is no longer reduced to elections alone, and once the \u201ctyranny of the majority\u201d is rejected as a form of absolute rule.<\/p>\n

\n

2. Merit and Competence in Democratic Systems<\/strong><\/h4>\n

The second point concerns meritocracy<\/strong> \u2014 the question of whether democratic systems ensure that only the most competent individuals hold public office.
This issue is often raised in reference to Trump\u2019s suitability<\/strong> for the presidency.<\/p>\n

However, this should not be used as a pretext to reject democracy in favor of non-democratic systems.
Rather, it underscores the need for institutional and legal arrangements<\/strong> that guarantee merit-based appointments and protect public servants from political interference \u2014 ensuring that the most qualified individuals occupy the right positions.<\/p>\n

\n

3. The Rule of Law and Constitutionalism<\/strong><\/h4>\n

The third point \u2014 closely related to the second \u2014 is adherence to the constitution and the rule of law<\/strong>, meaning that laws are applied equally to all.
This requires citizens\u2019 belief in the legitimacy<\/em> of laws \u2014 that they serve the collective interest rather than privilege the powerful or wealthy.
Otherwise, citizens will evade laws they perceive as unjust.
Hence, many legal frameworks must be revised<\/strong> to restore trust and ensure equality before the law.<\/p>\n

\n

4. The Democratic Culture<\/strong><\/h4>\n

Finally, democracy cannot survive without a democratic culture<\/strong> \u2014 tied to education, awareness, and social and political upbringing.
Yet democracy does not require that everyone, or even every social group, believe in it.
What it requires is the existence of binding institutional arrangements<\/strong> that ensure all comply with democratic norms.<\/p>\n

A democratic culture emerges when the elite in power<\/strong> consciously choose democracy as the system best able to ensure long-term societal stability, even if it entails short-term risks during transitions.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

There is no doubt that Dr. Hossam Badrawi is among the most prominent Egyptian intellectuals who deeply believe in democracy, its values, and its importance \u2014 not only for Egypt\u2019s progress and its people, but for the advancement of humanity as a whole.I am certain that his genuine commitment to this principle makes him open …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":12385,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[208,73],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-12909","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-2025-collective-articles","category-articles-about-dr-hossam"],"yoast_head":"\nAshraf Radi Writes: A Discussion on the Meaning of Democracy in Light of Dr. Hossam Badrawi\u2019s Article - Dr. Hossam Badrawi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ashraf Radi Writes: A Discussion on the Meaning of Democracy in Light of Dr. Hossam Badrawi\u2019s Article - 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He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. 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Dr. Hossam Badrawi","og_description":"There is no doubt that Dr. Hossam Badrawi is among the most prominent Egyptian intellectuals who deeply believe in democracy, its values, and its importance \u2014 not only for Egypt\u2019s progress and its people, but for the advancement of humanity as a whole.I am certain that his genuine commitment to this principle makes him open …","og_url":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/","og_site_name":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hossambadrawi\/","article_author":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hossambadrawi\/","article_published_time":"2025-10-20T17:07:54+00:00","article_modified_time":"2025-10-22T17:47:33+00:00","og_image":[{"width":1018,"height":663,"url":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/02\/IMG_7146.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@HossamBadrawi","twitter_site":"@HossamBadrawi","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi","Est. reading time":"10 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"NewsArticle","@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/"},"author":{"name":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi","@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/71dac15488abcc9dd96527db12aee32a"},"headline":"Ashraf Radi Writes: A Discussion on the Meaning of Democracy in Light of Dr. Hossam Badrawi\u2019s Article","datePublished":"2025-10-20T17:07:54+00:00","dateModified":"2025-10-22T17:47:33+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/"},"wordCount":2103,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/71dac15488abcc9dd96527db12aee32a"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/02\/IMG_7146.jpg","articleSection":["2025 Collective Activities & Articles","Articles About Dr.Hossam"],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/","url":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/ashraf-radi-writes-a-discussion-on-the-meaning-of-democracy-in-light-of-dr-hossam-badrawis-article\/","name":"Ashraf Radi Writes: A Discussion on the Meaning of Democracy in Light of Dr. Hossam Badrawi\u2019s Article - 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He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people","sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hossambadrawi\/","https:\/\/x.com\/HossamBadrawi"]}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12909","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12909"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12909\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12923,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12909\/revisions\/12923"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12385"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12909"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12909"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12909"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}