{"id":13597,"date":"2026-02-14T22:27:03","date_gmt":"2026-02-14T20:27:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/?p=13597"},"modified":"2026-02-18T22:28:40","modified_gmt":"2026-02-18T20:28:40","slug":"dr-hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-mawqi-the-human-being-between-market-and-state","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/dr-hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-mawqi-the-human-being-between-market-and-state\/","title":{"rendered":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi\u2018: The Human Being Between Market and State"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Neoliberalism, Socialism, and Social Liberalism: A Critical Reading in Light of the Egyptian Experience<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Since the end of the twentieth century, the global intellectual and economic struggle has revolved around a fundamental question: who should lead society\u2014the market or the state?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Neoliberalism offers a clear answer: the market is the solution.<\/strong>
Traditional socialism responds with an opposing answer: the state is the solution.<\/strong><\/p>\n

But between these two extremes, social liberalism<\/strong> emerges as a third path\u2014more mature and more humane\u2014one that places the human being as the goal, and treats both the market and the state as tools in their service.<\/p>\n

In Egypt, a country that has experienced successive phases ranging from socialism to neoliberalism, the need today is clear: to rethink a third path<\/strong> capable of achieving balance\u2014preserving justice without destroying incentives, and protecting the poor without suffocating investment.<\/p>\n

\n

First: Neoliberalism\u2026 When the Market Becomes a Creed<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Neoliberalism is built on four pillars:<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. \n

    Reducing the role of the state<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  2. \n

    Privatization<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  3. \n

    Price liberalization<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  4. \n

    Lowering taxes on capital<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    This philosophy began with Reagan and Thatcher, then became the agenda of international institutions. Over time, the market became the center of the world: education turned into a commodity, healthcare into an expensive service, universities into investment projects, and citizens into consumers rather than social partners.<\/p>\n

    In this environment, success becomes an individual responsibility, and failure a personal sin\u2014even when its causes are structural rather than individual.<\/p>\n

    \n

    Second: The Egyptian Experience\u2026 Neoliberalism Between Reform and Social Cost<\/strong><\/h2>\n

    Egypt implemented varying neoliberal policies starting in the mid-1990s, with greater intensity after 2016. While there have been achievements in infrastructure and investment attraction, the social cost has been high<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

    Egypt witnessed successive waves of public-sector privatization. Despite promises of efficiency and investment, the reality included mass layoffs, the erosion of national industries, the shrinking of the middle class, and the expansion of the informal economy for thousands of families.<\/p>\n

    Higher education became an investment field, with rising tuition fees that increasingly excluded children of low-income families from the future. Public universities weakened due to underfunding, while the state itself moved toward competing with the private sector.<\/p>\n

    Despite efforts toward comprehensive health insurance, medical costs remain a heavy burden on households, while the private healthcare sector has grown into a high-margin profit-driven industry.<\/p>\n

    Price liberalization\u2014without strong social protection\u2014led to continuous waves of inflation that steadily eroded citizens\u2019 purchasing power.<\/p>\n

    Neoliberalism created a society in which the individual faces destiny alone:
    If they succeed, it is their own effort; if they fall, they bear the cost alone.<\/p>\n

    In a country as large as Egypt, millions of young people cannot be left without protection, hope, or a clear path toward improving their lives.<\/p>\n

    \n

    Between Two Errors: Deifying the Market and Deifying the State<\/strong><\/h2>\n

    Just as neoliberalism erred by sanctifying the market, extreme socialism erred by sanctifying the state.<\/p>\n

    In the 1960s, the Egyptian state owned most means of production: banks, factories, media, and foreign trade. The intention was nationalistic and sincere, but the long-term result was bureaucratic expansion, declining efficiency, weakened innovation, private-sector withdrawal due to unfair competition, and massive financial losses borne by the state.<\/p>\n

    When the state treats the diligent worker and the unproductive one equally, incentives disappear, and justice\u2014originally meant to empower people\u2014turns into an obstacle to development, producing \u201cequality in poverty\u201d rather than \u201cequality of opportunity.\u201d<\/p>\n

    An economy cannot thrive without risk.
    Risk does not occur without a strong private sector.
    And the private sector cannot thrive when the state is simultaneously the competitor, the referee, and the rule-maker.<\/p>\n

    \n

    The Philosophical Depth of the Conflict: What System\u2014and What Human Being\u2014Do We Want?<\/strong><\/h2>\n

    Behind neoliberalism and socialism lie two conflicting visions of the human being.<\/p>\n

    The human being in neoliberalism:<\/strong>
    A number in the market machine\u2014viewed as a competitive, inherently self-interested individual, measured by productivity and left to survive in a ruthless market.<\/p>\n

    The human being in overreaching socialism:<\/strong>
    A cog in the state machine\u2014an element of the collective whose individuality dissolves under slogans of justice and public interest. The state\u2019s view becomes absolute truth, and individual interest a mere derivative.<\/p>\n

    The human being in social liberalism\u2014the philosophy I adhere to:<\/strong>
    Dignity comes first.<\/p>\n

    This is the third path: the human being at the center of the social contract, with the market and the state as instruments in their service.<\/p>\n

    Freedom without justice is chaos.
    Justice without freedom is oppression.
    The balance between them is the essence of social liberalism.<\/p>\n

    \n

    Social Liberalism: A Viable Third Option for Egypt<\/strong><\/h2>\n

    What Egypt needs today is neither a return to comprehensive socialism nor continued accelerated neoliberalism, but a balanced formula that preserves:<\/p>\n

    The Role of the State<\/strong><\/h3>\n
      \n
    • \n

      As a fair regulator, not an economic competitor<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

    • \n

      As a market organizer, not a monopolistic force<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

    • \n

      As a guarantor of basic social rights<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

      Market Freedom<\/strong><\/h3>\n
        \n
      • \n

        Encouraging investment<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

      • \n

        Supporting the private sector<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

      • \n

        Preventing monopolies<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

      • \n

        Ensuring fair competition<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

        Social Justice as a Citizen\u2019s Right<\/strong><\/h3>\n
          \n
        • \n

          Strong public education<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

        • \n

          High-quality healthcare accessible to all<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

        • \n

          Decent housing<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

        • \n

          Protection of the middle class<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

          Through this balance, Egypt can build a realistic economic model that recognizes human rights, societal potential, and development needs simultaneously.<\/p>\n

          \n

          Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n

          Half a century of Egyptian experience confirms that:<\/p>\n

            \n
          • \n

            Excessive reliance on the market exhausts society<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

          • \n

            Excessive reliance on the state exhausts the economy<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

          • \n

            The third path\u2014social liberalism<\/strong>\u2014can restore balance<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

            Because it simply says: Human first, the state as a partner, and the market as a tool.<\/strong><\/p>\n

            The real question is not whether we want a strong state or a strong market.<\/p>\n

            But rather: What kind of Egypt do we want? And what kind of citizen do we want to shape the future?<\/strong><\/p>\n

            The answer is clear:
            A just state,
            An efficient market,
            A citizen capable of dreaming and working,<\/p>\n

            And a society that does not abandon its people to either the state or the market\u2014but protects them from both when they exceed their roles.<\/p>\n

            This is the path.
            This is the balance.
            And this is the Egypt that deserves to be built.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. 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Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.facebook.com\\\/hossambadrawi\\\/\",\"https:\\\/\\\/x.com\\\/HossamBadrawi\"]}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi\u2018: The Human Being Between Market and State - Dr. Hossam Badrawi","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/dr-hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-mawqi-the-human-being-between-market-and-state\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi\u2018: The Human Being Between Market and State - Dr. Hossam Badrawi","og_description":"Neoliberalism, Socialism, and Social Liberalism: A Critical Reading in Light of the Egyptian Experience Since the end of the twentieth century, the global intellectual and economic struggle has revolved around a fundamental question: who should lead society\u2014the market or the state? 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He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people","sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hossambadrawi\/","https:\/\/x.com\/HossamBadrawi"]}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13597","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13597"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13597\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13598,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13597\/revisions\/13598"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12836"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13597"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13597"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13597"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}