{"id":14085,"date":"2026-09-03T23:18:37","date_gmt":"2026-09-03T21:18:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/?p=14085"},"modified":"2026-09-09T23:20:41","modified_gmt":"2026-09-09T21:20:41","slug":"hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-hurriya-sanctions-against-state-sovereignty-bank-misr-and-the-united-states","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-hurriya-sanctions-against-state-sovereignty-bank-misr-and-the-united-states\/","title":{"rendered":"Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Sanctions Against State Sovereignty\u2026 Bank Misr and the United States"},"content":{"rendered":"<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">As a non-specialist citizen, I followed the measures taken by the United States against the UAE branch of Bank Misr, on the grounds that it had engaged in financial dealings with Iranian individuals and institutions.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">I was struck by what seemed to be an action that treated Egypt as though it were a state of the United States, with its banks required to comply with American policies.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">This is not an endorsement of Iran\u2019s policies, nor is it an argument against them. That is not the point.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">At first, I did not understand how the United States could penalize a non-American financial institution, until I read an excellent article that explained the issue to me.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">The article says:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">Recent developments in U.S. sanctions policy toward Iran have entered a new phase through a dual economic measure. A closer examination of these measures from the perspective of international law suggests that Washington, by resorting to unilateral coercive mechanisms, is effectively seeking to impose extraterritorial jurisdiction over individuals and entities belonging to other UN member states. This approach raises fundamental challenges to established principles of international law, particularly the principle of sovereign equality among states, in the following respects:<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<h3>First: The Lack of a Legal Basis for Secondary Sanctions<\/h3>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">Contemporary international law establishes state jurisdiction primarily on the principles of territoriality and nationality. The exercise of jurisdiction beyond a state&#8217;s territory is only legitimate in exceptional circumstances and with the consent of the international community, such as through decisions of the UN Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">Requiring banks and economic institutions in third countries to terminate legitimate cooperation with other states, without authorization from the Security Council, constitutes an explicit violation of the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of states and runs contrary to the spirit of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States (UN General Assembly Resolution 3281).<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">There is no rule of customary or treaty-based international law that permits one state to punish or threaten to punish natural or legal persons in other countries merely because they comply with its domestic laws.<\/p>\n<h3>Second: Unilateral Coercive Measures as an Internationally Unlawful Act<\/h3>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">The use of \u201ceconomic intimidation\u201d to compel an independent state to alter its fundamental policies falls within the doctrine of \u201cunilateral coercive measures.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">Numerous resolutions of the UN General Assembly and the Human Rights Council, including recent resolutions condemning unilateral sanctions, have regarded such measures as contrary to human rights, the UN Charter, and the principles of international law.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">The use of economic instruments as a weapon of political pressure, particularly when accompanied by measures such as restricting maritime access or disrupting trade, may be assessed within the framework of the definition of \u201caggression\u201d contained in General Assembly Resolution 3314 and in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice, particularly the Nicaragua v. United States case\u2014especially when such measures target the economic and living conditions of an entire nation.<\/p>\n<h3>Third: Threatening the Principle of National Sovereignty and the International Order<\/h3>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">States\u2019 compliance with unilateral policies that extend beyond their territory is not merely a reaction to a bilateral dispute. It represents acceptance of a dangerous precedent in the international system.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">If such practices become entrenched, they will gradually erode the concept of national sovereignty and return us to the logic of colonial relations in the twenty-first century.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">In a system based on the sovereign equality of states, no state has the right to exercise tutelage over another. Resorting to force or economic coercion to impose political will constitutes a violation of the fundamental rule prohibiting intervention.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">Accordingly:<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">The United States\u2019 recent measures expanding secondary sanctions against Iran are not only inconsistent with its international obligations under the UN Charter; they also expose the multilateral trading system and the principle of sovereign equality among states to serious risk.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">The international community and the relevant legal bodies, particularly the UN General Assembly, should adopt clear legal positions to prevent unilateral coercive practices from becoming an established but illegitimate norm of international law.<\/p>\n<p class=\"isSelectedEnd\">I found the article\u2019s explanation clear in illustrating the new form of colonialism in the twenty-first century\u2014something that should not be accepted.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>As a non-specialist citizen, I followed the measures taken by the United States against the UAE branch of Bank Misr, on the grounds that it had engaged in financial dealings with Iranian individuals and institutions. I was struck by what seemed to be an action that treated Egypt as though it were a state of &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":12724,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[280,269,103,16,197],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-14085","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-2026-collective-activities-articles","category-al-hurriya-website","category-all-articles","category-articles-by-dr-badrawi","category-translated-articles"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Sanctions Against State Sovereignty\u2026 Bank Misr and the United States - Dr. Hossam Badrawi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-hurriya-sanctions-against-state-sovereignty-bank-misr-and-the-united-states\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Sanctions Against State Sovereignty\u2026 Bank Misr and the United States - Dr. Hossam Badrawi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"As a non-specialist citizen, I followed the measures taken by the United States against the UAE branch of Bank Misr, on the grounds that it had engaged in financial dealings with Iranian individuals and institutions. 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He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.facebook.com\\\/hossambadrawi\\\/\",\"https:\\\/\\\/x.com\\\/HossamBadrawi\"]}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Sanctions Against State Sovereignty\u2026 Bank Misr and the United States - Dr. Hossam Badrawi","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/hossam-badrawi-writes-for-al-hurriya-sanctions-against-state-sovereignty-bank-misr-and-the-united-states\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: Sanctions Against State Sovereignty\u2026 Bank Misr and the United States - Dr. Hossam Badrawi","og_description":"As a non-specialist citizen, I followed the measures taken by the United States against the UAE branch of Bank Misr, on the grounds that it had engaged in financial dealings with Iranian individuals and institutions. 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He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people","sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hossambadrawi\/","https:\/\/x.com\/HossamBadrawi"]}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14085","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14085"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14085\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14089,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14085\/revisions\/14089"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12724"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14085"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14085"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hossambadrawi.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14085"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}