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Oligarchy: A Reading of the Concept and Its Application to the Egyptian Case By Hossam Badrawy

Since political science began reorganizing the concepts of power, influence, and legitimacy, the word oligarchy emerged as one of the clearest tools for explaining how systems transform when they drift away from the spirit of the constitution and depart from the framework of the modern nation-state into the sphere of dominance by controlling groups.

Oligarchy, simply, is rule by the few: a narrow class, not necessarily uniform, but possessing enough economic, security, or media leverage to control the state from behind the curtain — even if the official facade remains in place.

It means a small group that sees itself as above the state and acts accordingly.

Historically, the Greeks used the term Oligarkhia to describe rule by a small group concerned with their own interests over the public good.

In modern political science, the concept expanded to include:

  • An economic elite controlling wealth and influencing political decisions.

  • A security/bureaucratic elite holding the administrative machinery and reshaping policy for its own continuity.

  • A media elite manufacturing public illusion and shaping awareness to favor the ruling class.

Oligarchy is not an official form of government; it is a condition that seeps into the state, placing the true center of decision-making outside constitutional institutions — while those institutions remain as a formal shell.


Oligarchy in the Egyptian Context

Its features are visible.

Across decades, Egypt witnessed political and social transformations that allowed oligarchic formations to rise within the state’s structure. These features can be observed without issuing absolute judgments — the goal is understanding and awareness.

During the Mubarak era, with limited economic liberalization, a class of businessmen became increasingly tied to political decision-making — not fully controlling it, but influencing it.

In the last decade, however, the integration took another form:
A growing economic expansion by sovereign entities, shielded by their names and backed by untracked wealth, created a new power class where economic influence overlaps with the executive authority itself.

These state-protected entities became market players, lacking neutrality, able to acquire land, take over successful companies, and void contracts between the state and its citizens.

Because they are “sovereign,” a new type of centralized economic and political decision-making emerged — outside constitutional institutions.

On paper, there is a parliament, a government, and oversight agencies.
But in reality, major decisions are often made in a closed center, not in institutions open to accountability.

This concentration is the essence of oligarchy:
Decisions crafted in a narrow circle, later “ratified” by formal institutions.


Why Oligarchy Grows

Oligarchy thrives when the political community is weakened — through marginalizing society and crippling political parties.

The collapse of independent unions and the weakening of parties created a vacuum where dominant powers operate unchecked.

With no counterbalance, the ruling cluster works freely.

One of the key tools of oligarchy is controlling the national narrative.
When media diversity disappears, and the entire reality is reduced to a single narrative, society loses its ability to evaluate events — or see the gap between official discourse and daily life.

The ruling entities’ inability to control social media increased confusion. They formed unofficial electronic brigades to confront reasonable opposing opinions.

Worse, the Muslim Brotherhood’s electronic brigades also attacked the state and its rational critics, fueling digital chaos.

On the ground, economic dominance from the new oligarchy, coupled with online clashes and the absence of constitutional accountability and media freedom, created a disoriented and fragmented public consciousness.


Why Pay Attention?

The issue is not simply the rise of a “new elite.” Every society has its elite.

The problem emerges when that elite becomes a closed bloc — unaccountable, unrenewed, seeing only its own interest in maintaining control.

Then:

  • The state shrinks.

  • The social contract erodes.

  • Citizens feel the country no longer belongs to everyone.

  • Trust declines.

  • The gap between rulers and the public widens.

  • Policies become short-sighted, serving the elite’s survival rather than the nation’s future.


Can Egypt Overcome Oligarchy?

History shows that escaping rule by the few is not through confrontation but through awareness, gradual reform, and institutional rebuilding.

Key paths include:

  • Restoring healthy relations between the executive authority and the rest of the state institutions.

  • Opening the public sphere and media to restore national balance.

  • Reviving political life with real parties, not empty labels.

  • Separating the economy from the executive branch and creating fair competition.

  • Renewing the elite by empowering youth and supporting free education.


Conclusion

The goal of speaking about oligarchy in Egypt is not to provoke conflict, but to offer a diagnostic lens explaining what citizens feel:

  • marginalization,

  • unequal distribution of power and wealth,

  • absence of responsibility,

  • lack of transparency.

Understanding the phenomenon is the first step toward restoring the modern state — the state of law and institutions, a state that belongs to all, not just the few.

And perhaps it is the duty of intellectuals and national figures to write, reflect, and warn — not to frighten, not to provoke conflict, but to protect the nation from falling into a historical trap many countries have fallen into before.

Sometimes, when reviewing Egypt’s modern history, I am astonished by this nation — which faced all these changes, pressures, and lost opportunities, plus setbacks capable of destroying nations — yet still stands.

It must carry within it the genes of civilization, hidden capacities, and a quiet enlightenment that resists all of this.

Egypt deserves better.
A nation where youth make up more than 60% of the population, blessed by God with beauty, capability, and history, is capable of creating a brighter future.

Despite the oligarchic features present today, and despite international and regional pressures — and, at times, grave short-sightedness in handling recurring opportunities — I remain optimistic.
My optimism is built on a clear vision of how to use the country’s resources, its youth, and the wisdom of its enlightened elders.

Egypt deserves better.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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