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Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Hurriya: About Egypt, the Gulf, and What Is Not Said Clearly

In moments of tension, some voices tend to oversimplify matters to the point of distortion. Complex relationships are reduced to ready-made accusations, and the positions of states are compressed into words like: “betrayal,” “gloating,” and “abandonment.”

At that point, the discussion is no longer a difference of opinion, but rather a confusion — sometimes, in my view, intentional — between emotion and anger.

First: Egypt Is Not Governed by Emotions

Egypt, with its history and weight, does not base its decisions on reactions, nor does it enter conflicts to satisfy feelings—whatever they may be.

It is neither wise nor responsible to demand that a country of Egypt’s size declare an open confrontation with a major regional power like Iran, while the entire region is living on the edge of a delicate balance.

Wars are not statements, nor are they managed by the logic of “proving positions.” They are governed by national security calculations, the price of which is blood… not words.

Second: Questions That Must Be Honestly Asked Before Making Accusations

There are fundamental questions that deserve answers:

  1. Have the countries that are now calling for strong positions responded to Egypt’s repeated calls to establish a joint Arab military force?
  2. Has there been real work toward building an independent Arab defense system, or has reliance remained on external security arrangements?
  3. Can we ignore the presence of foreign military bases in the region and their role in complicating the situation, then demand others pay the price of these complications?

These are not accusations… but facts that must be considered in any serious discussion.

Third: Independence Is Not Partial

It is illogical to demand that Egypt take military action while, in some countries, security decisions are tied— to varying degrees— to international arrangements with major powers in which Egypt is not a party.

Strategic independence cannot be selective: either decisions of war and peace come from within, or the equation remains more complex than what is presented in the media.

Fourth: Calling for Open Confrontation with Iran Is Not Necessarily Strength

Such calls may, in some cases, represent a dangerous oversimplification of reality.

Even the countries in whose name confrontation slogans are raised do not close all doors, nor do they approach the future with absolute severance. Here, Egypt’s role appears differently—not as a party in conflict, but as a country that, by virtue of its position and history, can serve as a bridge or mediator at a time when the region needs a balancing mind… not a louder voice.

Fifth: Brotherhood Does Not Mean Subordination

The relationship between Egypt and the Gulf states is a genuine historical brotherhood, tested over time. There were periods when wealth was absent and Egypt was the support, and after 2011, when Egypt needed support, the Gulf stood by it.

But brotherhood does not mean that one country acts under another’s dictates, nor that it engages in battles it does not see as strategically worthwhile.

Differences in judgment do not mean hostility, nor do they justify discourse that exceeds the bounds of decency or logic.

Conclusion

It is not wise to call for war, then blame others for not engaging in it.

Nor is it fair to ignore the complexities of reality and reduce positions to emotional accusations.

Egypt does not posture… nor does it drift.

It calculates its steps and understands that true strength lies not in rushing into conflict, but in correctly assessing the moment.

I believe that Egypt, through its political leadership, is acting wisely in this tense environment, and that the president’s swift visits to Gulf countries contribute to extinguishing unnecessary escalation that may even be intentional.

In a region full of tension, the most rational role may not be to ignite the fire… but to prevent its spread.

The test is not only in stopping ballistic missiles targeting U.S. bases in the Gulf, but also in neutralizing the “missiles” launched by some from within—those aimed at the foundations of trust between Egypt and its Arab partners.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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