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Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for “Egyptke”: The Philosophy of Obedience — Between Reason and Submission, and Between Upbringing and Order

Is obedience a virtue? Or is it a form of submission that sidelines reason? Do we raise our children to obey without discussion while demanding at the same time that they think critically and be independent? And do modern societies build order on obedience, or on awareness of the law and the Constitution?
In this article, I attempt to explore the concept of obedience as a philosophical value, comparing blind obedience with conscious obedience, and examining what upbringing requires versus what a nation needs.

Obedience, in its abstract form, is responding to a higher will — whether that will belongs to a familial, religious, or political authority, or even to the voice of conscience. Throughout human history, obedience has often been associated with virtue, even though the definition of virtue shifts from era to era, especially in contexts of loyalty and the imposition of authority — that of the master, the ruler, or the head of the household.
But are all forms of obedience equal? The fundamental difference lies in the purpose and method of persuasion: obedience born of fear produces surrender. Obedience born of love builds trust. Obedience based on understanding and conviction creates awareness and cohesion. Obedience rooted in the ownership or subjugation of human beings by a ruling authority, however, is something else entirely.

Perhaps one of the harshest forms of obedience in history is that which existed under slavery: the obedience of slaves to their masters for centuries, where submission was accepted as an unspoken social law that guaranteed control for the master and survival for the slave. It is obedience without dignity — obedience that strips a human being of their humanity and turns them into an instrument.

In the realm of religion, obedience to the Creator has been understood as one of the highest expressions of worship, a reflection of the bond between the created and the Almighty. But when this obedience is reduced to obeying religious figures who interpret God’s will through their own lenses, it becomes another form of enslavement — enslavement in the name of the sacred, in which people are asked to submit to human interpretations as if they were absolute divine commands. Here, it becomes essential to distinguish between obedience to God as faith and awareness, and obedience to religious authority as blind submission to the will of other humans.

We must therefore speak of awareness — the understanding and knowledge that allow the mind to make choices, transforming the idea of obedience to the Creator from a negative frame to a positive one.
On the level of social relations, history has witnessed yet another form of obedience: that of women to men — as daughters, wives, and mothers. This obedience was imposed by customs and patriarchal inheritances and still finds a place today in societies captive to ignorance, where it is sometimes justified as divine command when it is not. This kind of obedience is neither conscious nor freely chosen; it is a reflection of social domination that requires continuous deconstruction and critique.

In traditional upbringing, obedience was an end in itself: “Say yes and don’t argue.” But in modern education, the priority has shifted to questioning, understanding, and constructive criticism. We now raise our children to ask “Why?”, to discuss instructions, and to hold opinions at home and in school. Yet at the same time, we demand that they obey rules, respect order, and follow schedules and instructions. Is this a contradiction? No — it is an evolution in how we understand obedience as a moral value built on conviction rather than coercion.

Even in military command during war, immediate obedience can be a matter of life or death — but even in the army, obedience is not mindless. It is built on long training, comprehension, and discipline, and there are red lines such as “illegal orders,” which soldiers are permitted — even required — to refuse.

In managing societies, states are built on obedience to law and constitution, not to individuals or absolute commands. Law is not a constraint but a framework for organizing freedom, and the constitution is not an imposition but a social contract freely accepted by the people.

Obedience is not the opposite of freedom in all cases; it can, when grounded in awareness, be a pathway to it. Obedience to just laws can be our tool to prevent freedom from turning into chaos — a pattern seen repeatedly in history.
The child who obeys out of understanding becomes a responsible adult. The citizen who obeys the law because he respects it — not fears it — is the one who builds a just state.

And in an era marked at times by blind rebellion and at other times by disguised tyranny, we need to revive the value of conscious commitment — not as submission, but as a free choice of duty and responsibility.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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