2025 Collective Activities & ArticlesAl-Mawqi WebsiteAll ArticlesBy Dr BadrawiTranslated Articles

Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi‘: The Absurdity of Parliamentary Elections

At a moment when parliamentary elections are supposed to symbolize freedom of choice and political pluralism, the electoral process in Egypt has turned into a farcical stage lacking the most basic elements of democracy. The absence of genuine party competition, and the domination of the executive authority — through its security agencies — over the formation of the unified national list, has turned Parliament from an elected institution into something resembling an appointed body.

What makes the scene even more grotesque is the public circulation of “prices” for parliamentary seats, with chairs being sold for between 20 and 50 million Egyptian pounds per candidate, in exchange for guaranteeing their inclusion in the unified list or securing their position as individual candidates with official blessing. This reality raises a fundamental question: does the election process retain any meaning when it becomes a marketplace for financial bidding?

And why is there no public investigation into this grave matter, nor any official clarification confirming or denying these claims?
Where do these millions come from, where do they go, and what is the secret behind all this?
I truly hope these are only rumors — but in politics, perception becomes reality even without evidence.

In medicine, treating symptoms is important, but true healing comes from treating the illness itself. Society is like the human body, and what we see in the elections — the issues we complain about — are symptoms of a deeper disease: disrespect for the Constitution, the desire for dominance, authoritarian rule, and the absence of separation of powers.

Public life is filled with examples of treating symptoms instead of curing the root cause. Private tutoring is a symptom of deteriorating education. Tuk-tuks and informal transport are symptoms of the state’s failure to build a proper public transportation system. Informal housing is a symptom of the absence of planning… and so on.

The selling of parliamentary seats and the absolute unified list not only destroy the principle of equality and justice among citizens, but they also turn Parliament into a club for the wealthy and into pieces on the chessboard of authority — with few exceptions. They marginalize competence and distort popular representation. Even worse, these practices empty constitutional texts of their meaning and transform the state into an entity where capital and security control — even if their intentions are good — dominate the political scene.

International Comparison: Does this happen elsewhere?

In any genuine democratic system — even in developing countries — such blatant selling of seats would never be allowed. Political money does exist worldwide, from campaign financing in the United States to vote-buying in poorer nations, but it rarely reaches the point of officially or semi-officially selling seats under the sponsorship of the ruling authority.

What is happening in Egypt goes beyond the absurdity of the electoral process — it abolishes the essence of democracy itself. Elections are not decorative ornaments to beautify the image of a government; they are meant to reflect the will of the people. When stripped of that meaning, what remains is a form of “disguised appointment” that has nothing to do with true election.

Impact on the Future of Democracy

This model paints a bleak future for Egypt. A Parliament built on political corruption and security-driven loyalty will never be an effective legislative or oversight body. Instead, it becomes an extension of the executive authority — lacking independence and functioning merely as an echo chamber repeating whatever it is instructed to say.

Such practices also deepen public frustration and political apathy, reinforcing the belief that honest political engagement is futile. This is where the real catastrophe lies: when people lose faith in elections as a tool for peaceful change, the door opens wide to extremism or total withdrawal from public life — both of which undermine long-term stability.

Conclusion

The way parliamentary elections are being run today — and the sale of parliamentary seats — is a political and moral scandal unparalleled in any serious democratic experience. It signals that some within the ruling system have chosen the easiest path: fabricating legitimacy instead of building genuine national consensus. Unless the principles of free and fair elections are restored, Parliament will remain nothing but a stage for political nonsense, and democracy will remain a distant dream.

I know how difficult it is to implement the reforms I call for, and I understand the tangled interests that have developed — interests that make maintaining the status quo the “easier” path on the surface. But believe me: the civilizational DNA of the Egyptian people will eventually reassert itself and restore things to their proper place.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

Related Articles

Back to top button