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Dr. Hossam Badrawi Writes for Al-Mawqi: The Absurdity of Parliamentary Elections

At a time when parliamentary elections should symbolize freedom of choice and political pluralism, Egypt’s electoral process has turned into a tragic farce, devoid of the basic principles of democracy. The absence of genuine party competition, and the executive authority — through its security apparatus — monopolizing the formation of the so-called “National Unified List,” has transformed Parliament from an elected institution into an almost appointed body.

What makes the scene even more grotesque is the open circulation of prices for parliamentary seats, where positions are sold for between 20 and 50 million Egyptian pounds per candidate, in exchange for inclusion on the unified list or approval to run as an independent — all with official blessing.

This raises a fundamental question: what remains of the meaning of elections if they have turned into a financial auction?

The sale of parliamentary seats not only destroys the principle of justice and equality among citizens but also turns Parliament into a club for the wealthy — excluding competence and nullifying genuine representation. More dangerously, it empties constitutional principles of their content and transforms the state into a structure where capital and security control the political scene — even “with good intentions.”

International Comparison: Does This Happen Elsewhere?

In any true democratic system, even in developing countries, such open trading of parliamentary seats is unheard of. While political money exists worldwide — from campaign financing in the U.S. to vote-buying in some poorer countries — it never reaches the level of officially or semi-officially selling seats under state supervision.

What is happening in Egypt goes beyond electoral absurdity — it nullifies democracy itself. Elections are not decorative tools to beautify the government’s image before the world; they are mechanisms to represent the people’s will. If stripped of meaning, what remains is nothing but disguised appointment, not election.

Impact on the Future of Democracy

This reality casts a dark shadow over Egypt’s democratic future. A parliament founded on financial power and security allegiance can never act as a true legislative or supervisory authority. It becomes an echo chamber for the executive branch, devoid of independence, repeating whatever it is told.

Such practices also deepen citizens’ frustration and apathy, reinforcing the belief that honest political participation is futile. And herein lies the real catastrophe: when people lose faith in elections as a peaceful means of change, the door opens to extremism or total withdrawal from public life — both of which undermine long-term stability.

Conclusion

What we are witnessing today — the sale of parliamentary seats in Egypt — is a political and moral scandal unparalleled in serious democratic experiences. It shows that the regime has chosen the easiest path: forging legitimacy instead of building genuine national consensus.

Unless the principle of free and fair elections is restored, Parliament will remain nothing but a stage for political nonsense, and democracy will remain a distant dream.

At a time when parliamentary elections should symbolize freedom of choice and political pluralism, Egypt’s electoral process has turned into a tragic farce, devoid of the basic principles of democracy. The absence of genuine party competition, and the executive authority — through its security apparatus — monopolizing the formation of the so-called “National Unified List,” has transformed Parliament from an elected institution into an almost appointed body.

What makes the scene even more grotesque is the open circulation of prices for parliamentary seats, where positions are sold for between 20 and 50 million Egyptian pounds per candidate, in exchange for inclusion on the unified list or approval to run as an independent — all with official blessing.

This raises a fundamental question: what remains of the meaning of elections if they have turned into a financial auction?

The sale of parliamentary seats not only destroys the principle of justice and equality among citizens but also turns Parliament into a club for the wealthy — excluding competence and nullifying genuine representation. More dangerously, it empties constitutional principles of their content and transforms the state into a structure where capital and security control the political scene — even “with good intentions.”

International Comparison: Does This Happen Elsewhere?

In any true democratic system, even in developing countries, such open trading of parliamentary seats is unheard of. While political money exists worldwide — from campaign financing in the U.S. to vote-buying in some poorer countries — it never reaches the level of officially or semi-officially selling seats under state supervision.

What is happening in Egypt goes beyond electoral absurdity — it nullifies democracy itself. Elections are not decorative tools to beautify the government’s image before the world; they are mechanisms to represent the people’s will. If stripped of meaning, what remains is nothing but disguised appointment, not election.

Impact on the Future of Democracy

This reality casts a dark shadow over Egypt’s democratic future. A parliament founded on financial power and security allegiance can never act as a true legislative or supervisory authority. It becomes an echo chamber for the executive branch, devoid of independence, repeating whatever it is told.

Such practices also deepen citizens’ frustration and apathy, reinforcing the belief that honest political participation is futile. And herein lies the real catastrophe: when people lose faith in elections as a peaceful means of change, the door opens to extremism or total withdrawal from public life — both of which undermine long-term stability.

Conclusion

What we are witnessing today — the sale of parliamentary seats in Egypt — is a political and moral scandal unparalleled in serious democratic experiences. It shows that the regime has chosen the easiest path: forging legitimacy instead of building genuine national consensus.

Unless the principle of free and fair elections is restored, Parliament will remain nothing but a stage for political nonsense, and democracy will remain a distant dream.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

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