2026 Collective Activities & ArticlesAl-Mawqi WebsiteAll ArticlesBy Dr BadrawiTranslated Articles

Dr. Hossam Badrawi writes for Al-Mawqi‘: The Philosophy of Obedience: Between Reason, Submission, Education, and Order

Is obedience a virtue, or is it a form of submission that excludes reason?

Do we raise our children to obey without discussion, while at the same time demanding critical thinking and independence from them?

And do modern societies establish order through obedience, or through awareness of the law and the constitution?

In this article, I attempt to examine the concept of obedience as a philosophical value, comparing blind obedience with conscious obedience, and distinguishing between what education needs and what a nation needs.

Obedience, in its abstract meaning, is a response to a higher will. This will may belong to family authority, religious authority, political power, or even the voice of conscience. Throughout human history, obedience has often been associated with virtue—even though definitions of virtue have differed across eras—especially in contexts of loyalty and the imposition of authority by a master, a ruler, or the head of a household.

But are all forms of obedience equal?

The fundamental difference lies in purpose and method of persuasion. Obedience born of fear produces submission. Obedience born of love builds trust. Obedience born of understanding and conviction creates awareness and cohesion.

However, obedience based on ownership of human beings or their subjugation by a ruling authority is an entirely different matter.

One of the harshest forms of obedience in history is the obedience of enslavement: the obedience of slaves to their masters over long centuries, where submission was accepted as an unspoken social law that guaranteed control for the master and survival for the slave. It is obedience without dignity—obedience that strips the human being of their humanity and turns them into a tool.

In religion, obedience to the Creator emerged as the highest form of worship, an expression of the bond between the created being and the supreme power that brought it into existence. Yet when this obedience is reduced to obedience to religious authorities who interpret God’s will according to their own visions, it turns into another form of enslavement: enslavement in the name of the sacred, where the human being is asked to submit to a human interpretation as if it were an absolute divine command. Here, it becomes necessary to distinguish between obedience to God as faith and awareness, and obedience to clerical authority as blind surrender to human will.

At this point, we must speak about awareness in interpretation and knowledge—awareness that enables the mind to make choices—so that obedience to the Creator shifts from a negative perspective to a positive one.

At the level of social relations, history has witnessed another form of obedience: the obedience of women to men—as daughters, wives, and mothers. This obedience was imposed through patriarchal customs and traditions, and it still finds space in ignorant societies that sometimes interpret it as divine command, when it is not. Here, obedience is neither awareness nor choice, but rather a reflection of social domination that requires continuous deconstruction and critique.

In traditional education, obedience was the goal: “Say yes and do not argue.”

In modern education, priority has shifted to questioning, understanding, and constructive criticism. Today, we raise our children to ask “why,” to discuss instructions, and to have a voice at home and at school. Yet at the same time, we ask them to obey rules, respect order, and adhere to schedules and instructions. Is this a contradiction?

The answer is no.

Rather, it is an evolution in understanding obedience as a moral value built on conviction, not coercion.

In military management during wartime, for example, immediate obedience to orders can be a matter of life or death. Yet even in the military, obedience is not devoid of awareness; there is long training in understanding and discipline, and there are red lines—such as “illegal orders”—which soldiers are permitted, and even required, to refuse.

In governing societies, the state is built on obedience to the law and the constitution, not to individuals or absolute commands. The law is not a restriction, but a framework for organizing freedom, and the constitution is not an imposition, but a social contract accepted by the people.

Obedience is not always the opposite of freedom; it can be its means when built on awareness. Obedience to just laws may be our way of preventing freedom from turning into chaos, as has happened many times throughout history.

A child who obeys out of conviction becomes a responsible adult.

A citizen who obeys the law because they respect it, not because they fear it, is the one who builds a just state.

In an age marked alternately by blind rebellion and disguised tyranny, we need to revive the value of conscious commitment—not as submission, but as a free choice of duty and responsibility.

Dr. Hossam Badrawi

He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people

Related Articles

Back to top button